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Full text of "Report on the Ku Klux Klan"



30 




p THE KU KLUX KLAN 

R N L D FDRSTER AND BENJAMIN R. EPSTEIN 



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MRS. HELEN BOWNDS 







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ON THE KU KLUX KLAN 

BY ARNOLD FDRSTER AND BENJAMIN R- EPSTEIN 



About the authors 

Benjamin R. Epstein is national director of the Anti-Defamation 
League of B'nai B'rith and has studied and written extensively on 
problems of prejudice in this country and abroad. 

Arnold Forster is the League's general counsel and director of 
its civil rights division. 




Cartoon from a Klan publication of the 1920's. (N. Y. Public Library] 



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Preface The social phenomenon of an underground movement in a na- 

tion either occupied by a foreign power or under the heel of a despotic, 
, domestic government is not new to the world. However, the Ku Klux 
(^Klan may be considered a native American underground— a genuinely 
subversive force in the United States which is completely alienated 
from the contemporary national thrust toward equality of opportunity 
and citizenship for all and which employs terror to achieve its ends. 
j^KIan activities take the posture of guerrilla race warfare directed 
v against American citizens through murders, beatings, floggings and 
other terroristic methods. The primary aim is to preserve a way of 
life that is slowly dying?\ J 

~— -" In the South today, the Klans have emerged as the hard-core 
of the die-hard resistance forces still at work. These forces are rooted, 
for the most part, in rural areas, small towns\and crossroads hamlets. 
The gap is widening between these extremist elements, who embrace 
Klan preachments of defiance and violence, and those forces in urban 
areas where a trend toward compliance \yith the law is manifesting 
itself. 

In this polarization of forces, the Klans carry the banner of 
terror as the only answer to the pressures imposed on the South by 
the forward march of history /Whereas in recent years the issue in 
the South was mainly that of the white man and segregation versus 
the Negro and desegregation, an equally important issue revived by 
the Klans today is lawlessness versus law enforcement. \ 

It doesn't take many men to bomb a church, to flog a Negro or 
a white, or to commit other acts of violence in the dark of night. Two, 
three, four or six men, operating in secrecy and with stealth, can bring 
a reign of .terror to any small Southern town and can bring violence 
and intimidation to cities and suburbs as well. The fact is that this has 
been happening in the South for years, and much of it has been per- 
petrated by hooded Klansmen and their henchmen. 

The membership strength of the Klans operating in the South 
today, therefore, is not an accurate measure of the danger to law and 
order. Even if the Klans were half their present size, they would still 
be a threat to the well-being of the South itself as it passes through 
a difficult transitional period. 

Another aspect of the Klan threat is the extent to which South- 
ern officialdom has been infiltrated by Klansmen and their sympa- 
thizers. In too many Southern communities, maintenance of the status 
quo by any means is given precedence by such officials over the ob- 
servance of law. The result is often a profound erosion of democratic 
government from borough to state capital. 

The Klans' strategy and tactics are reflected in frightening 
statistics: 



Item: Since 1959, a total of 43 individuals concerned with the civil 
rights movement in the South have been killed. 

Item: Since 1955, approximately 1,000 instances of racial violence, 
reprisal and intimidation have been reported. 

Item: From 1954 to early 1965, some 227 bombings were reported and 
56 suspects were arrested; 33 were acquitted, 10 have been convicted 
and sentenced, another 10 received suspended sentences, and 3 await 
trial J 

/ Under the relentless pressures of the civil rights movement, 
federal legislation and the federal courts, the Deep South is slowly 
but inexorably giving ground to desegregation and equal treatment 
under law for all citizens, regardless of color, but the entire liberating 
process has a long way to go before Negro citizens in the Deep South 
achieve their full legal rights, and in the Spring of 1965, it appears 
that, for some years to come, there will continue to be a gap between 
the rights Negroes achieve by law and the rights they actually hold. 

Nor has the last chapter in the long history of the Klans in 
America been written. But it is beginning to be clear that progress 
toward equality of opportunity for Southern Negroes will continue, 
and it has long been clear that the overwhelming majority of white 
Southerners reject the Klans and prefer the rule of law even when 
they disagree with the legislation. 

As the South changes and the equality of Negroes under law 
becomes the settled fact, it is likely that the Klans will wither and 
disappear. But that day is still far off. 



DORE SCHARY 

Chairman, Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 



In a desperate effort to halt the gradual progress of racial 
desegragation in the South, the Ku Klux Klan and its allies have been 
responsible for a major portion of the violence, killings, bombings, 
and other acts of intimidation seen in recent years. 

The Klans provide the organizational framework and the 
emotional stimulus necessary to incite Klansmen and non-member 
followers to acts of violence and terror, while their leaders need not 
necessarily order or involve themselves in the actual incidents. On 
their own, Klansmen and their sympathizers translate the Klans' in- 
flammatory incitements into action. The watchword of the Klans is 
"Fight!" and their tools are the shotgun, the rifle, the pistol, the bull- 
whip, the gasoline-soaked rag, and the cluster of dynamite sticks. 

In their growing strength, and in their fanatical dedication to 
the waging of race war, Klansmen and their followers are arming 
themselves heavily. Gun dealers are doing a brisk business, and 
advertisements in gun journals across the country reflect a short 
supply of small arms. The hooded empire's security guards— they 
sometimes wear storm-troop type uniforms of gray, paratrooper 
boots and Army-style helmets— carry no weapons in public, but they 
make no secret of the fact that they often have them on hand in their 
cars. These guards keep outsiders at arm's length, and try to keep 
Klansmen themselves "in line." 

Other special cadres, operating not quite as openly as the 
security guards, often have more ominous missions. In Georgia, for 
instance, one Klan numbered in its midst a group of "enforcers" 
known as the "Secret Six." In the Spring of 1964, Morris Abram, an 
attorney prominent in Jewish affairs, Vice-Mayor Sam Massell of 
Atlanta, and a Southern white clergyman— each well known as an 
opponent of the Klans and a defender of the rights of Negroes— were 
marked for assassination by the Secret Six. The F.B.I, was alerted and 
the plot was never carried out. In February, 1965, another Klan-type 
secret squad met covertly at a headquarters of the Invisible Empire in 
Georgia to plan the assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. 
(Word of the plot to kill the leader of the Southern Christian Leader- 
ship Conference leaked out, and the FBI and other law enforcement 
authorities threw a heavy guard around him.) 



A Klan Upswing The Klans' violent activities have helped attract significant 

new membership and support during the last six months. As a result, 
the hooded orders are in the midst of one of the periodic upswings 
on the fluctuating graph of their strength in recent years. In the late 
1950s and early 1960s, the White Citizens Councils, whose weapon 
was economic pressure, spearheaded Southern resistance to the 



L 




Today, the Klans have re- 
placed the declining Coun- 
cils as the symbol and the 
instrument of last-ditch re- 
sistance. (Wide World-bothJ 



imperatives of desegregation. Today, the Klans have replaced the 
declining Councils as the symbol and the instrument of last-ditch 
resistance. 

The provable hard-core of Klan membership is estimated at 
10,000. But the Invisible Empire includes an additional 25,000 to 
35,000 like-minded racists who belong to an assortment of Klan-type 
groups or "gun clubs," plus others who, without any formal Klan 
affiliation, stand ready to do its work of terror. 

Despite this flurry of growth, the Klans are today a divided 
movement ruled by competing promoters of racism. A common bond, 
and their real danger, is lawless violence. 

The largest Klan group in the South today is the United Klans 
of America, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, Inc., with headquarters in 
Tuscaloosa, Ala., and members and supporters in nine states. It is led 
by Robert Shelton, an energetic man in his mid-thirties, who has been 
an active Klansman for about a decade. The United Klans can 
probably count on active membership and sympathetic support from 
26,000 to 33,000 adherents throughout the South. This support 
includes Klans directly affiliated with the United Klans and some 
semi-autonomous Klan groups in Alabama, Georgia, the Carolinas, 
Tennessee, Florida, Louisiana, Texas and Virginia. 

The United Klans' rival, not nearly as strong, is the National 
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, Inc., with headquarters in Tucker, Ga., 
near Atlanta. It is headed by James Venable, an Atlanta attorney who 
has long been an extreme and active segregationist. The National 
Knights has the support of 7,000 to 9,000, mostly in Georgia, with some, 
scattered strength elsewhere. 

The present resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan began during 1963, 
and it can be linked to the climate brought about by a certain series 
of events— the drama of the civil rights movement in Alabama since 
the spring of that year, when the use of police dogs and fire hoses 
against civil rights demonstrators in Birmingham shocked the nation 
and attracted world-wide attention; that summer's proposal by the 
late President John F. Kennedy of broad civil rights legislation; the 
prolonged controversy over such legislation and the inflammatory 
propaganda against the bill disgorged by segregationist, Klan and Far 
Right organizations throughout the country. 




. . . the use of police dogs 
and fire hoses ... in Bir- 
mingham shocked the na- 
tion and attracted world- 
wide attention . . . (UP1) 



The United Klans 
of America 




Robert Shelton — Imperial 
Wizard of the United Klans 
of America, Knights of the 
Kn Klux Klan, Inc. fUPIJ 



The main strength of Robert Shelton' s United Klans is in his 
home state of Alabama, where he is assisted by Grand Dragon Robert 
Creel of Bessemer. Shelton's 10,000 to 12,000 supporters here 
reportedly are organized into at least 70 klaverns. 

In Georgia, the United Klans are headed by Grand Dragon 
Calvin Craig of Atlanta and have some 39 klaverns, with an estimated 
overall strength of at least 7,000. 

The United Klans in North Carolina, headed by Grand Dragon 
J. Robert Jones of Granite Quarry, boast some 42 klaverns in what is 
the best run state organization in Shelton's hooded order. There are 
some 8,000 to 9,000 men aligned with the organization which, hoping 
to attract still greater numbers, recently offered a special accident 
insurance policy to its members and started a fund to pay $1,000 
death benefits to widows of dead Klansmen. 

In South Carolina, the Grand Dragon of the United Klans is 
Robert F. Scoggins of Spartanburg. This group, relatively inactive in 
the Winter of 1964-1965, claims 46 small klaverns— one in each county 
of the state— and an estimated strength of 1,500 to 2,500 supporters. 

The militant Original Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in northern 
Louisiana is another United Klans affiliate. Shelton also claims the 
loyalties of a number of smaller Klan groups in several states which, 
however, retain a somewhat independent identity and have little 
influence. One of these, the Improved Order of U.S. Klans, headed 
by Earl E. George, has two small klaverns in Georgia, another in 
Ocala, Fla., and two in Alabama. The other, the Association of Georgia 
Klans, is headed by Charlie Maddox of Savannah and has two or 
three small klaverns there. 

During the Klan resurgence of 1964, the United Klans of North 
Carolina sent organizers into Virginia under Shelton's direction and 
succeeded in setting up four klaverns, three in the Norfolk-Portsmouth 
area, and one at Petersburg. But these klaverns have shown little 
sign of activity, their total strength hovering between 100 and 300. 

In Tennessee, the Dixie Klans, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, 
Inc., headed for a number of years by Jack and Harry Leon Brown 
of Chattanooga, has associated both with Shelton's United Klans, and 
with its chief rival, James Venable's National Knights of the Ku Klux 
Klan. Thus guarding their autonomy more jealously than most other 
local KKK groups, the Brown brothers control one strong klavern in 
Anniston, Ala., and a few small ones in the northwest corner of 
Georgia, but their main strength is centered in Eastern Tennessee 
where they have perhaps 2,000 to 3,000 supporters. The United Klans, 
as such, has very little strength in Tennessee. There are, however, a 
few small klaverns directly identified with the Shelton organization, 
and Raymond Anderson of Maryville is its Grand Dragon in the state 






where the Invisible Empire was first launched a century ago. 

Texas has been singularly free of Klan activity in recent years, 
but in the Winter of 1964-65, the United Klans undertook an intensive 
recruitment campaign in the Dallas and Houston areas and scored 
some limited success. 

In Florida, the United Florida Klan, Knights of the KKK, headed 
by Jason Kersey of New Smyrna Beach, is directly associated with 
the United Klans. In the last year or so, it has been the target of 
membership raids by other Klans and they have sapped its strength 
and influence. Superseding it is the Florida Knights of the Ku Klux 
Klan, run by Don Cothran of Jacksonville. Cothran's Klan is extremely 
radical, and it has attracted members at a rapid rate. In the early part 
of 1965 it was veering toward an affiliation with Shelton's United 
Klans. There were already signs, however, of a slowing-up of its 
growth as even more radical groups began luring its members into 
their ranks. From all indications, northern Florida appears to be a 
center of extreme and dangerous Klan-type activity. 



James Venable, the Atlanta attorney who heads the National 
Knights of the KKK has long been identified in extreme racist activity. 
In recent years, he has been a leader of the Defensive Legion of 
Registered Americans, an anti-Negro and anti-Semitic group closely 
linked to the Christian Voters and Buyers League. In this activity, 
Venable has been associated with Wally Butterworth, a former radio 
personality who has recently devoted himself to recording hate 
speeches. Anti-Jewish, anti-Negro, anti-government record albums 
narrated by Butterworth are circulated throughout the nation's racist 
and anti-Semitic hate fringe, and are often used for Klan recruiting 
purposes. 

Long rumored to have had KKK associations, Venable emerged 
as an open Klan leader in the early 1960s. Today, he is the main rival 
of the more powerful Shelton for the position as top leader over 
all Klans. 

To promote his ambition, Venable has formed the Federation 
of Klans, a paper organization which purports to be the opposite 
number of Shelton's United Klans, but which is not nearly as strong 
as its rival. 

Efforts to work out a merger agreement and other forms of 
cooperation between Shelton and Venable have been talked about, 
but the talks have come to nothing, each of the men being unwilling 
to concede the top position of Klan leadership to the other. 

The focal point of the Venable Klan is Georgia, where it has 
some 4,500 supporters, more than half its national total. In addition, 



The National Knights 
of the Ku Klux Klan, Inc. 




James Venable - Imperial 
Wizard of the National 
Knights of the Ku Klux 
Klan, Inc. (Wide World] 



several smaller Georgia Klan groups are tied in with the National 
Knights, none of them having notable size or influence. These include 
the Federated Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, Inc., headed by William 
Hugh Morris of Buchanan; the U.S. Klans, Knights of the Ku Klux 
Klan, Inc., now headed by H. L. Jones of Jonesboro; and the Associ- 
ation of Georgia Klans, which Charlie Maddox of Savannah runs, 
maintaining an affiliation with the Shelton United Klans as well as 
with Venable's group. 

The "U.S. Klans," with one klavern and 200 followers from 
areas east and south of Atlanta, is extremely radical and weapons- 
conscious. 

The Association of South Carolina Klans, a Venable affiliate 
headed by Robert Hodges of Columbia, vies with Robert Scoggins's 
more powerful Shelton affiliate in that state. 

A new Knights of the Ku Klux Klan organization was recently 
formed in Ohio, and it has ties with Venable's Klan Federation. A 
charter was granted, then withdrawn, by the Ohio Secretary of State 
pending an investigation of the Klan's possibly subversive nature. 
With Flynn Harvey of Columbus serving as temporary Grand Dragon 
for Ohio, Klan groups have met in Columbus, in Cincinnati, and in 
at least one Cincinnati suburb. 

Venable has even signed up new Klansmen from Canada. 
Recently, he contemplated a change in Klan rules that would permit 
foreign-born Americans to join the hooded knights — a departure from 
the "native-born" membership tradition. 



Louisiana and Mississippi A significant highlight of the Klans' 1964 gains was their 

emergence, for the first time since World War II, in Louisiana and 
Mississippi, traditional strongholds of the White Citizens Councils. 
The Councils, dominant for more than a decade, had failed 
to prevent passage of the Civil Rights Bill, and the resulting disil- 
lusion of die-hard segregationists offered a fertile field for Klan 
recruitment. By early 1965, some 17 klaverns with an estimated 
strength of 1,000 had sprung up in Louisiana, some of them extremely 
militant and violent. There was growing evidence of Klan-type efforts 
at intimidation in smaller Louisiana towns and cities, notably in 
Bogalusa, a paper-mill town with a population of 25,000. 

Mississippi was, in the summer of 1964, the focal point for a 

voter registration drive and related educational activities carried out 

by several civil rights organizations linked together as the Council 

of Federated Organizations (COFO). As part of this activity, hundreds 

10 of civil rights workers, students and other volunteers, many of them 



from the North, came into Mississippi, some of them remaining into 
the Winter of 1964. 



The effort by COFO, like all other dramatic thrusts of the civil * White Knights of the KKK' 
rights movement, provoked reaction. And in Mississippi, a major 
aspect of the reaction was the emergence of the White Knights of the 
Ku Klux Klan, an independent organization linked with no other 
Klans, and viewed by law enforcement agencies as perhaps the most 
die-hard, well-organized and violent order yet to appear. 

It numbers an estimated 3,000 supporters, operates on military 
lines, is extremely security-conscious, and believes that the only way 
to maintain White Supremacy is through violence and bloodshed. It 
boasts adherents and supporters in local law enforcement agencies, 
Civil Defense organizations, police auxiliaries, and even some seg- 
ments of the Mississippi business community. 

The order is headed by Sam Bowers of McGee, Miss., who 
argues that all who advocate moderation in racial matters are traitors 
to the White Race. 



Since 1960, when today's Klans began to emerge in their A History of Terror 
present basic structure, there have been hundreds of bombings and 
beatings, and acts of arson, terror and intimidation. Many such crimes 
have been reported in the newspapers; others have not Some of this 
violence has been traced directly to Klansmen. Some crimes have 
resulted in convictions; many have gone unsolved. 

In some cases there are simply no witnesses to acts of violence, 
planned in secret and executed in the dark of night. Often those who 
may know the facts are reluctant to come forward, fearing reprisals. 
Others, intimidated by the existence of the Klans, their allies, and 
their henchmen, live in a grudging, enforced conspiracy of silence 

When the 16th Baptist Church in Birmingham was bombed in September, 1963 . . . four little Negro girls, attending 

Sunday Schoo], were killed ... , ., 

(Wide World; 





Carol Denise McNair, 11 



Carol Robertson, 14 



Addie Mae Collins, 14 



Cynthia Dianne Wesley, 14 



with the members of the Invisible Empire. Still others approve such 
activities and would not betray the Klansmen under any cir- 
cumstances. 

Klan leaders like Shelton and Venable piously disavow vio- 
lence and deny using it. Yet in their speeches, and in those of other 
Klan leaders, the very same sentences that contain the disavowals 
also contain incitements to extremist action. 

In August, 1964, for instance, Robert Scoggins, Grand Dragon 
of the United Klans in South Carolina, addressed a large Klan rally 
near Salisbury attended by some 2,000 persons gathered near three 
burning crosses: 

"We are not a violent order. But it is better to die for something 
than to live for nothing!" 

There was thunderous applause. 

A few years ago, fames Venable of the National Knights 
shouted to an Atlanta Klan audience that the schools should be burned 
down if necessary to prevent them from being desegregated. And 
Robert Shelton has declared: 

"We don't advocate violence. If someone steps on our toes we 
are going to knock their heads off their shoulders." 

When the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham was 
bombed in September, 1963, and four little Negro girls, attending Sun- 
day School, were killed, a Klan speaker in St. Augustine, Fla., told 
a crowd of Klansmen there: 

"If they can find those fellows, they ought to put medals on 
them. It wasn't no shame they was killed. Why? Because when I go 
out to kill rattlesnakes, I don't make no difference between little 
rattlesnakes and big rattlesnakes ... I say good for whoever planted 
the bomb." 



A Call to Race Warfare 



12 



The Klansmen speak publicly of using "ballots and boycotts— 
not bullets"— but even their printed literature reflects a belief in race 
warfare as the only way to preserve White Supremacy. In the Summer 
of 1964, about the time the Civil Rights Bill was enacted, Klan recruit- 
ing posters in Jackson, Miss., declared: 

"If we don't win in the next eight months, we're all destined 
for Communist slavery and our wives and daughters will be chattels 
in Mongolian and African brothels . . . 

"Absolutely refuse to register or give up your arms . . . 

"Stock up on rifles and shotguns and pistols, all of standard 
make, and lots of ammunition . . . 

"Form an organization with next door neighbors but wear 
distinguishing marks, such as caps of the same color, so you won't 






be firing at your own people . . . 

"Be your own leader of your own household and make it an 
armed arsenal." 

Such inflammatory advice, steeped in fear, was in keeping with 
traditions that are now a century old. The history of the Klans in the 
United States is an almost unvarying record of masked terror, night- 
riding, and violence. 



i 





The First Klan 



. . . the Ku Klux Klan instituted a relent- 
less reign of terror throughout all the 
states of the former Confederacy from 
1867 to 1871. (Culver) 



Nathan Bedford Forrest, former 
Confederate General and the 
first Klan Grand Wizard, or- 
dered the Klan disbanded in 
1869. (Culver) 



D. W. Griffith's film, THE BIRTH OF A NATION 
(1915), added to the legend of the Invisible Empire. 

(Culver) 



In the one hundred years since the close of the Civil War, 
America has experienced three distinct periods of activity on the part 
of the Ku Klux Klan. 



13 



The first of these occurred in the years of the Reconstruction. 
The original Klan was started on December 24, 1865, when a group 
of Confederate soldiers just out of uniform met in their home town 
of Pulaski, Tenn., to form a fraternal order shrouded in mystery 
and secrecy. From all indications, their secret society was, at the start, 
innocent and purely social in nature. It was not more than a matter 
of weeks, however, before the newly-organized group— deriving its 
name from the Greek "kyklos" (circle) to which was added an 
alliterative form of "clan"-began frightening local Negroes by parad- 
ing in white sheets. It soon formulated the racist platforms on which 
the Klans have operated to this day. 

Within a very short time the organization spread throughout 
the entire South, attracting thousands of bitter and violent men who 
feared the newly-freed Negro and despised the incoming North- 
ern "carpetbagger." At a large convention held in Nashville, Tenn., 
in April, 1867, the Klan declared: "Our Main and Fundamental 
Objective is the MAINTENANCE OF THE SUPREMACY OF THE 
WHITE RACE in this Republic." By 1871, the hooded society had 
reached a membership of more than 550,000. 

The Klan's chief aim was to intimidate the Negro into absolute 
submission, to drive out the "carpetbaggers" and to destroy every 
vestige of Negro political power in the Southern states. In pursuing 
this goal, the Ku Klux Klan instituted a relentless reign of terror 
throughout all the states of the former Confederacy from 1867 until 
1871. 

In those four years of activity, the Klan helped to overthrow 
the state governments of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia, and 
played a major role in the suppression of the Negro and the reestab- 
lishment of White Supremacy throughout the South. In 1871, a 
Congressional committee conducted an extensive investigation of 
Klan violence and uncovered hangings, shootings, torturings, whip- 
pings, and mutilations in the thousands. 

The commanding general of Federal troops in Texas, reported: 
"Murders of Negroes are so common as to render it impossible to 
keep accurate accounts of them." 

In Louisiana, testimony revealed at least 2,000 had been killed, 
wounded, or injured in a few weeks preceding the Presidential 
election of 1868. Seventy-five killings were reported in Georgia, and 
109 in Alabama. One count showed that in a single county in northern 
Florida during a period of a few months, more than 150 men were 
murdered by Klansmen, at a rate of more than one killing a day. 

The Klan Grand Wizard, former Confederate Gen. Nathan 

Bedford Forrest, ordered the Klan disbanded in 1869, but it was not 

14 until 1871, when outraged Northern public opinion forced the Con- 



gressional investigation and Federal legislation, that the first Klan 
was finally destroyed. 

Although the Klan had disappeared, a highly romanticized 
legend of its prowess lingered on, especially in rural areas of the 
South where its secret rites held a fascination for back-country 
whites. 

Adding to the legend of the Invisible Empire were such 
i glorifications as "The Clansman," a 1905 novel by Thomas Dixon, a 
North Carolina minister— the basis of the now-famous D. W. Griffith 
1915 motion picture masterpiece, "The Birth of a Nation." 



William Joseph Simmons, a lanky Alabamian who had failed 
both as a medical student and a Methodist minister, founded the 
second Klan on Thanksgiving night, 1915, atop towering Stone Moun- 
tain, just outside of Atlanta. There, he and about fifteen followers 
stood below a burning cross and swore allegiance to the Invisible 
Empire, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, in a ceremony similar to that 
held in Tennessee 50 years earlier. 

The second Klan expanded on its original anti-Negro ideology, 
stating that it aimed to keep "the Caucasian Race and its civilization 
pure by preserving it from the contaminating intermixture of alien 
races and their influences." It became, in fact, at least as anti-Semitic, 
anti-Catholic, and anti-foreigner as it was anti-Negro. It plainly stated 
that its Northern Klaverns were "to be mainly an instrument of anti- 
Semitism." Its anti-Catholic hatred included such nonsense as the 
claim that the Pope was about to transfer his headquarters from Rome 
to Washington, and that arms were being stored in cathedrals in 
readiness for a Catholic seizure of the United States government. 

The revived Klan remained a small, not-very-effective Georgia 
organization of only 5,000 members for the first five years of its his- 
tory. But in June, 1920, Simmons hired two publicity agents, Edward 
Young Clarke and Mrs. Elizabeth Tyler, and they were primarily 
responsible for the subsequent growth of the Klan into a multi-million 
dollar operation and a significant national political power. Its days of 
greatest prosperity and growth were from 1922 to 1925, under the 
leadership of Simmons' successor, Hiram Wesley Evans, a Texas 
dentist. In 1925, at the peak of its power, Klan membership stood 
between 4,000,000 and 5,000,000 and its income was in the millions 
of dollars. 

Unlike the Klan of Reconstruction days, the second Klan was 
a national phenomenon. It amassed substantial political power in the 
North and West, as well as in the South. In New Jersey, there was a 
Klan organization in every county. In Indiana there was a virtual KKK 



The Second Klan 




In 1925, Klan membership 
was at an all-time high and 
40,000 Klansmen paraded 
down Washington's Penn- 
sylvania Avenue in a show 
of strength. (Wide World) 




Dr. Samuel Green. (UPI) 



dictatorship over state politics under Grand Dragon D. C. Stephenson. 
The order held strong power in Colorado, Oregon, Texas, Oklahoma, 
Louisiana, Maine and Kansas. Even on Long Island, N. Y., crosses 
were burned and Klan rallies were held. The Klan was a major issue 
at the 1924 Democratic National Convention and the following year 
40,000 Klansmen paraded down Washington's Pennsylvania Avenue 
in a show of strength. 

As had been the case a half-century earlier, a great wave of 
public indignation over the Klan's violence contributed to its down- 
fall. So, too, did internal bickering and some personal transgressions 
by Klan leaders which were exposed in the press. The death blow, 
perhaps, was a daring series of articles published in "The New York 
World." The Pulitzer newspaper had compiled statistics on Klan 
violence from October, 1920 to October, 1921. The findings: "Four 
killings, one mutilation, one branding with acid, forty-two floggings, 
twenty-seven tar-and-feather parties, five kidnappings, forty-three 
persons warned to leave town or otherwise threatened, fourteen com- 
munities threatened by warning posters, and sixteen parades by 
masked men with warning placards." 

The Klan went into a rapid decline in 1926, and was down to 
about 350,000 members by the end of the following year. It did not die 
out completely, however, but continued to attract support from those 
who inherited the movement's legacy of racist violence, while shunned 
by all men of social standing or respectability. 

In 1928, despite declining membership, the Klan was able to 
put up a vigorous, bitter fight against the first Catholic nominee for 
President, Alfred E. Smith. Six years later, still under Hiram Evans' 
leadership, the organization concentrated its attack on the New Deal. 
By 1939, Evans had given up the leadership of the Klan, selling its 
charter to Dr. James H. Colescott, a veterinarian from Terre Haute, 
Ind., and Samuel Green, an Atlanta doctor. On August 18, 1940, 
a year after its new leadership took over, the Klan engaged in some 
highly-publicized pro-Nazi activity in the state of New Jersey. Klans- 
men joined the German-American Bund in a large meeting at the 
Bund's Camp Nordland, and there they burned a cross forty feet high 
and sang Nazi marching songs. As America entered World War II, 
the Klan disappeared as a national movement and its little local groups 
eventually dissolved into obscurity. 



The Third Klan 



16 



The present Klan — the third Klan incarnation— has its roots in 
the period immediately following World War II when it was reorgan- 
ized by Green. For four or five years thereafter, the Green-controlled 
Klan was active in parts of the South, but it splintered into fragments 



The burning of crosses, the Ku KIux Klein's traditional ritual of terror and intimidation., 
has become a fiery symbol of Klan resurgence in the 1960's. (Wide World) 



fe 




when Green died in 1949. One reaction to the activities of the post- 
war Klan was the passage of legislation against the wearing of masks 
and the burning of crosses in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South 
Carolina, and Virginia.* 

Following Green's death there was a scramble for power 
between his successor, Samuel Roper, and various splinter leaders 
who sought to carve for themselves a slice of Green's Klan. The 
struggle for power, along with a mounting public reaction against Klan 
excesses, weakened the hooded order, but it managed to survive into 
the early 1950s. 

In 1952, Federal law enforcement agencies and authorities in 
North Carolina undertook a mass roundup of Klansmen. Their action 
was touched off by a wave of terrorism that had swept over Horry 
County, S. C, the bailiwick of Thomas L. Hamilton, Imperial Wizard 
of the Carolina splinter group, and had spread into North Carolina. 
The terrorism had been marked by a series of brutal night-time kid- 
nappings and floggings which terrorized citizens of Columbus County, 
N. C, for more than a year. Night-riders had administered beatings to 
Negroes and whites alike for a variety of "sins"— alleged drunkenness, 
failure to attend church regularly, and failure to provide support for 
home and family. 

The reign of terror ended in February, 1952, when the F.B.I., 
aided by local police, staged a series of early morning raids and 
arrested 11 former members of Hamilton's Klan, charging them with 

* Fifty-two key Southern communities also adopted anti-mask and anti-cross burning 
laws and ordinances. The Anti-Defamation League played a leading role in drafting 
model legislation which was published in a widely-distributed pamphlet, "How To Stop 
Violence, Intimidation in Your Community -A Legal Approach," written by Alexander 
F. Miller, then director of the League's Southern Region. 




Imperial Wizard Sam Roper. fU 



17 



violations of the Federal (Lindbergh] Kidnapping Law— two victims 
had been carried across the state line to be flogged. Among those 
arrested was a local constable and former police chief of Fair Bluff, 
N.C., and another who was a deputy sheriff of Columbus County and _ 

former police chief in Tabor City, N.C. Ten of the 11 defendants were 
found guilty and received sentences of up to five years in the Federal 
Penitentiary, ~% 

Later that year, state authorities in North Carolina arrested 
additional Klansmen identified as having been involved in other 
flogging cases— including Imperial Wizard Thomas Hamilton himself. 
In July there was a mass trial of 71 Klansmen; 63 were convicted and 
sentenced, charged with 180 offenses in 12 separate flogging incidents. 
Hamilton drew four years at hard labor. 

The North Carolina trials temporarily broke the Klan's power 
in the Carolinas and had a sobering effect on the hooded Klaverns 
elsewhere in the South. For the next four years — until 1956 — local 
splinter groups continued to exist, but their influence was negligible. 

The first wave of Southern resistance to the school desegre- 
gation decision handed down by the U.S. Supreme Court in May, 
1954, was spearheaded by the new White Citizens Councils, which 
had sprung up across the South in the Summer of 1954. The Councils 
now sought, by "persuasion" based on the threat of economic & 

reprisals, to choke off local activity by individuals and organizations 
favoring compliance with the Supreme Court decision. The Citizens 
Councils included members drawn from the respected levels of 
Southern life— bankers, mayors, planters, businessmen, sheriffs, 
politicians and other influential citizens — and their stated purpose 
was the preservation of a segregated South. Originated in Mississippi, 
the Councils soon spread to other Southern states, and by early 1956, 
boasted an estimated membership of some 100,000. 

Respectable though they claimed to be— they rejected violence 
as a means of preserving segregation— there was, nevertheless, early 
evidence that the Councils had been infiltrated by anti-Semites, and 
that crude anti-Jewish propaganda was being recommended and cir- 
culated by some of their units. As time went on, moreover, extremist 
elements joined local Citizens Councils. Wholly extremist independent 
Councils, led by anti-Semites, sprang up. 

Nevertheless, those Citizens Councils directed from Missis- 
sippi continued to wield considerable influence, and during the 
administration of former Governor Ross Barnett played a significant, 
if not dominant, role in Mississippi political and governmental affairs. 

As the first steps toward desegregation in the South were 
accomplished, extremist elements in the Citizens Council movement 
began to gravitate toward the more extreme Councils, in which Klan 



elements were active, or toward the dormant KKK itself. 

By the second half of 1956, there was a sharp increase in Klan 
activity. In September, a crowd of 3,000 attended a Klan rally at Stone 
Mountain, near Atlanta, where the second Klan had begun 41 years 




The Klan gathers on Stone Mountain, just outside of Atlanta, where the Klan was reborn 
in 1915. ( wide Wodd ) 

earlier. They came from seven Southern states in 1,000 cars, many 
painted with KKK emblems. The rally was organized by the late 
Eldon Edwards, an auto paint sprayer from Atlanta who had, in 1955, 
obtained a charter for a new hooded empire to be known as "The U.S. 
Klans, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan." As Edwards sought to organize 
new klaverns throughout Georgia— and later in Alabama and the 
Carolinas — Klan parades, rallies and cross-burnings became frequent 
spectacles once more. 

Other small Klan units, one of them organized by Asa E. Carter, 
former leader of the extremist North Alabama Citizens Council, began 
to stir in Florida, Texas, Alabama and the Carolinas. A crowd of 1,000 
attended a Klan rally at a drive-in theater near Concord, N.C. — the 
first such conclave to be held in that part of the state since the 1920s. 

Nevertheless, the Klans which came to life in 1955-1956 failed 
to achieve any cohesion and remained a fragmented assortment of 
feuding wizards, dragons, and kleagles rejected by the overwhelming 
majority of Southerners who spurned the Klan while remaining 
opposed to integration. 

The Edwards Klan, with an estimated 12,000 to 15,000 mem- 
bers, was the largest of the scattered Klan organizations. Some seven 
other scattered orders could boast no more than 1,000 or 1,500 mem- 
bers each. 

Despite their relatively small membership, however, the danger 
posed by the Klans stemmed from their role as breeders of lawlessness 
and as magnets for the worst elements. Some Klan leaders were 
pistol-packing hoodlums familiar with the use of dynamite as a wea- 
pon of terrorism. Early in 1958 several members of a KKK group in 
North Carolina were seized in connection with an attempted bombing 
of a Negro elementary school in Charlotte. 19 



(UP1) 




Imperial Wizard E. L. Edwards. 



20 



Klansmen in Alabama were involved in one of the most sordid 
instances of violence on record. In September, 1957, a group of them 
met in a private home to decide what action to take in protest against 
efforts to desegregate schools in Birmingham. Deciding to pick up a 
Negro — any Negro — and to scare him, they found a poor handyman 
named Judge Aaron, dragged him to a small house with a dirt floor, 
emasculated him with a razor blade, and then tortured him by pouring 
turpentine on his wounds. The mayhem was carried out by lamplight 
under the supervision of an "Exalted Cyclops" who wore a Klan robe 
trimmed in red. The victim, later found by police in critical condition 
on a roadside, survived his ordeal. 

Six Klansmen were arrested and charged with mayhem. Four 
were convicted and received 20-year terms. The trial judge called the 
offense one of the worst crimes in his 35 years of legal experience. 

The Birmingham mutilation highlighted a series of outrages 
carried out by Klansmen during the summer and fall of 1957. In 
August, James E. Folsom, then Governor of Alabama, issued a public 
statement calling on all law enforcement agencies to crack down on 
Klan "hoodlumism.'' His message came after six Negroes had been 
beaten in one Alabama town, four in another. 

In February, 1960, the Negro sit-in movement was launched at 
Greensboro, N. C., and brought new and mounting pressure for deseg- 
regation to the entire South. While no concrete proof of a cause-and- 
effect relationship can be offered, 1960 marked a sharp increase in 
Klan activity and the consolidation of previously-splintered Klan 
organizations in seven Southern states. 

The Klans gained considerable strength during 1960 and by the 
start of 1961, their southwide membership was estimated to be 35,000 
to 50,000. Two major Klan "federations" emerged during 1960 — the 
Edwards U.S. Knights of the KKK and the newly-formed National 
Knights organized by anti-Edwards splinter Klans in seven Southern 
states. A few local Klans— notably the Alabama Knights of the KKK, 
headed by Robert Shelton — remained unaffiliated at that time. 
Shelton had been head of the Edwards U.S. Knights of the KKK in 
Alabama until he was ousted by Edwards in the Spring of 1960, a 
falling-out typical of the persistent feuding between the petty lords 
of race warfare. 

In January, 1961, the strength of the Edwards Klan was placed 
at 15,000 to 20,000, the National Knights at some 10,000 to 15,000. 
Another 10,000 to 12,000 supported various unaffiliated Klans and 
klaverns scattered through the South. 

The significant growth of 1960 and 1961, however, was not so 
much in Klan membership as in Klan activity and violence. In March, 
1960, to show its strength, the newly-formed National Knights of the 



I 



KKK staged a series of carefully coordinated cross-burnings through- 
out the South on the last weekend of the month. Newspapers at the 
time reported that on Saturday, March 26, more than 1,000 crosses 
were burned in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina and other 
Southern states. 

There was evidence that Klansmen from Florida and South 
Georgia played an organized role in the race riots that rocked Jackson- 
ville, Fla., for almost a week beginning on "Axe Handle" Saturday 
— August 27, 1960. Tactics to counteract the sit-in movement, of 
which Jacksonville was then a target, were discussed at a meeting 
of the Jacksonville klavern of the Florida Knights of the KKK four 
days earlier. From that meeting a call went out to other Klan units 
urging them to converge on Jacksonville the following Saturday and 
to bring Klan sympathizers with them. They were to leave all Klan 
identification at home and to come to Jacksonville in street clothing. 

Scores of Klansmen and other whites appeared in downtown 
Jacksonville on the morning of August 27. Stores selling baseball bats 
and axe handles reported heavy sales — one store alone sold 50 axe 
handles. Violence soon broke out and during the disorders, shouts 
that "For every nigger, we got to kill two Jews!" were heard. Sporadic 
disorder and violence continued for several days. 

The death of Eldon Edwards on August 1, 1960, brought new 
and more violent leadership to his U.S. Klans organization, which 
remained the largest of the splinter Klan groups, though relatively 
inactive. Edwards had sought to convey an image of respectability, 
in part by public statements rejecting violence, in part by inaction. 
His critics said his real interest in the Klan had been increasing his 
personal wealth. In any event, during his five years of leadership, the 
activities of the U.S. Klans appeared to consist for the most part of 
an occasional picnic or fish-fry. But Edwards' successor, aptly named 
"Wild Bill" Davidson (real name Robert Lee Davidson), soon made 
it clear that he intended to pursue an "activist" policy. Unlike Ed- 
wards, Davidson publicly advocated extreme measures to preserve 
segregation. 

"If it takes buckshot to keep the black race down," he was 
quoted as saying publicly in November, 1960, "Klansmen will use it." 
The Klan chaplain was quoted as saying that "If it takes saving the 
American way at the cost of our lives, then let's make that sacrifice." 

Atlanta newsmen reported that the Klan speakers, while pro- 
fessing love for all races and creeds, shouted about "Jew boys" and 
"niggers," and that while professing their respect for law and order, 
they talked of using buckshot, burning schools and sacrificing Klan 
lives in the cause. 

In January, 1961, when the University of Georgia at Athens 




University of Georgia stu- 
dents demonstrating against 
the admission of two Negro 
students. (Wide World) 



was ordered desegregated by a Federal Court— two Negro students 
were then admitted — a riot took place on the campus. Newspaper 
reports noted the presence of known Klansmen in street clothing at 
the scene. They were led by Calvin Craig, then Grand Dragon of the 
U.S. Klans for the State of Georgia. 

Nine out-of-towners— from Atlanta— were arrested in Athens 
and all but one were Klan members. Two of them were special Fulton 
County (Atlanta) deputy sheriffs. Police confiscated a small arsenal 
of guns. 

On July 8, 1961, the United Klans of America was formed at 
Indian Springs, Ga., with some 500 Klansmen from seven Southern 
states present. The plan was to merge various splinter groups into 
a unified hooded empire and to fill the leadership vacuum that had 
developed after the death of Edwards and the failure of the National 
Knights, formed a year earlier, to bring cohesion to the movement. 

The leading figure at the Indian Springs meeting was Shelton, 
who had come with an eight-man security guard dressed in black 
boots and red ties. The apparent show of strength by the Alabama 
leader had its effect, and Shelton was named Imperial Wizard of 
the new Klan union. 

The desegregation efforts of the civil rights movement at 
Albany, Ga., during 1962, sparked Klan efforts at recruitment, and 
by early 1963, the United Klans' Albany klavern, numbering some 
300, was one of the largest in Georgia. O n Labo r Day, 1962, in Albany, 
a 40-foot cross was burned beforelm estimated crowd of 5,000 or 
6,000 with Shelton and other bigwigs present. In^ August, 1963, a 
United Klans cross-burning at Lakeland, Fla., attracted an esti- 
mated 8,000. 

Such cross-burnings and public "speakings" staged by the 
United Klans, coupled with Shelton' s organizing energy and the grow- 
ing pressure of desegregation, helped the growth of the organiza- 
tion which, by the Spring of 1965, had become the strongest Klan 
group in the country. 



KKK and the 1964 Election The Ku Klux Klan became a political "issue" in the 1964 Gold- 

water-Johnson Presidential races and various Klans attracted atten- 
tion to their organizations by exploiting the "extremism" issue. 

The role of President Johnson as inheritor of President Ken- 
nedy's mantle, and his determination in pressing for a Civil Rights 
Bill, did nothing to endear him to the Klans. Moreover, while the 
Republican convention at San Francisco had refused to condemn 
extremist groups such as the John Birch Society and the Klans by 
22 name, the Democratic platform had emphatically done so. Follow- 




F.B.I, Chief ]. Edgar Hoover said in 1965: "During the past year there has been 
a marked increase in Klan membership." Shaded areas show where Klan activ- 
ity is most active today. 

[N. Y. Times) © 1965 by the New York Times Company, reprinted by permission. 



ing adoption of that platform, Robert Shelton denounced the Demo- 
cratic Party. "Known Communist agitators," he charged, had partici- 
pated in its convention. 

Later in the campaign, the GOP adopted a position on the 
Klan similar to that of the Democrats. In the days right after the San 
Francisco convention, vice-presidential candidate William Miller and 
GOP National Chairman Dean Burch had refused to disavow the 
Klan support proffered by Calvin Craig, Grand Dragon of Shelton's 
Georgia affiliates, but Senator Goldwater himself soon repudiated it 
thoroughly. Only a week after the Miller and Burch statements, Gold- 
water declared: 

"We don't want the backing of the Ku Klux Klan and I don't 
think we're going to get it." 

It is doubtful that the Klans had any substantial impact on 
the course of the Presidential contest in the South. The numerical 
strength of the Klans, scattered throughout the Southern states, was 
not sufficient to have any meaningful effect politically. Further, it 
must be borne in mind that the Klans are viewed with disfavor by 
the majority of white Southerners, including most of those favoring 
segregation of the races. 







23 



The Record of Violence Consistent with its history, and in keeping with the public 

y declarations of its acknowledged leaders, the Ku Klux Klan has con- 
tributed to the sordid record of violence attached to racial problems 
/ in the South over the past few years. 

• Birmingham has had at least 29 bombings since 1957. As recently 
as the first week in April, 1965, the home of a Negro accountant was 
blasted, and an hour later, bombs were found and disarmed at the 
homes of Mayor Albert Boutwell and a City Councilwoman. Whites 
and Negroes alike have been targets of terror, but Negro homes, busi- 
nesses and churches have been the main targets. Perhaps the worst 
of such events in Birmingham was the September 15, 1963 bombing 
of the 16th Street Baptist Church in which the four Negro girls were 
killed. Three men, two of them with Klan records, were arrested and 
found guilty of possessing dynamite. In June, 1964, the three men 
were acquitted of the possession charge, a misdemeanor. One related 
in an alleged confession how he had secured the dynamite to blow 
out tree stumps on land intended as a new headquarters for a Klan 
group. 

• Since 1963, eleven persons have died violently as the result of racial 
tensions in Alabama. In April, 1963, William L. Moore, a Baltimore 
postman, was shot to death on U.S. 11 near Attalla, Ala., while on a 
one-man civil rights walk from Chattanooga, Tenn., to Jackson, Miss. 
On September 4, 1963, John L. Coley of Birmingham was shot to death 
in a riot that followed the bombing of a Negro lawyer's home. The 
four Negro children killed in the infamous Birmingham church bomb- 
ing were Cynthia Wesley, 14, Carol Robertson, 14, Denise McNair, 11, 
and Addie Mae Collins, 14. Another child, Virgil Ware, 13, was shot 
to.death by a white youth in the aftermath of the bombing, and Johnnie 
Robertson, 16, was killed by a police officer the same day. On Febru- 
ary 18, 1965, James Lee Jackson was fatally wounded in a clash be- 
tween Negroes and Alabama State Troopers in Marion, Ala. Jackson 
died February 26. The Rev. James Reeb, Unitarian minister of Boston, 
was fatally clubbed by a white man in Selma on March 9, and he died 
two days later. Mrs. Viola Gregg Liuzzo of Detroit was shot to death 
on March 25 near Lowndesboro, Ala., while aiding in the Selma-to- 
Montgomery civil rights march. 

• In McComb, Miss., during 1964, 18 bomb blasts took place at Negro 
churches and homes. On October 1, 1964, three Klansmen were ar- 
rested in connection with one of the bombings, one of them in con- 
nection with a second. On October 24 these three plus six others 
entered pleas of guilty and nolo contendere. After setting various 
sentences for the nine men, the court suspended the sentences. 

24 • Klansmen have been arrested, tried and acquitted, or convicted in 




Mrs. Viola Gregg Liuzzo. 

Shot to death in Alabama. 

(Wide World) 



connection with numerous bombings and attempted bombings. Exam- 
ples: there were explosions at the home of Mayor John Nosser of 
Natchez, Miss., who believes qualified Negroes should vote. Bombs 
blasted the newspaper office of a Pulitzer Prize winner, Hazel B. Smith 
of Lexington, Miss., who fought the Klan through the pages of her 
newspaper. Six bombings in Shreveport, La., inflicted an estimated 
$100,000 worth of damage on property owned by integrationists. Two 
Klansmen were convicted of stealing dynamite to be used in a planned 
bombing of the five-story cable car building at Georgia's Stone Moun- 
tain. Police balked the planned bombing. 

• Four Georgia Klan members were arrested in the Summer of 1964, 
in connection with the murder of Lemuel Penn, a Negro educator who 
was gunned down from a passing auto while driving home to Wash- 
ington from military duty at Fort Benning, Ga. Two of the four were 
tried; they were acquitted by an all-white jury. The four, plus two 
other Klansmen, were then indicted by a Federal grand jury for con- 
spiring to injure and oppress Negroes. In December a Federal Court 
in Macon dismissed the indictment. 

• Twenty-one men, six of them said by the F.B.I, to be members of 
the White Knights of Ku Klux Klan, were arrested in Mississippi by 
the F.B.I, on December 4, 1964 in connection with the slaying of civil 
rights workers Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner and James 
Chaney on June 21 near Philadelphia, Miss. The charge: conspiring to 







Lemuel A." Penn. Shot and 
killed in Georgia. (Wide World) 



Andrew Goodman, James Chaney and Michael Schwerner. Murdered in Mississippi. (VPI) 



violate the civil and constitutional rights of the three slain men. Six 
days later, a U.S. Commissioner dismissed the charges against 19 of 
the 21 men arrested. On January 11, 1965, the Government presented 
to a Federal grand jury the confessions of two of the men, one an ac- 
knowledged Klan member. On January 15, the grand jury handed up 
indictments against all but a few of the 21. On February 26, U.S. Dis- 
trict Court Judge W. Harold Cox ruled that 17 of the defendants should 
stand trial on misdemeanor charges in the deaths of the three civil 
rights workers and he dismissed felony charges against them. [The 
New York Times reported that Judge Cox, a native of Mississippi, had 



25 



referred to Negroes in a voter registration hearing in his chambers in 
March, 1964, as "a bunch of niggers" and called them "chimpanzees" 
who "ought to be in the movies rather than being registered to vote.") 

• On February 16, 1964, a bomb caused extensive damage to the home 
of a Jacksonville, Fla., Negro family whose six-year-old boy had en- 
tered a previously all-white school. William Sterling Rosecrans, de- 
scribed as a "close associate" of North Florida KKK leaders, was ar- 
rested on March 3 and charged with the bombing. On March 12, the 
F.B.I, arrested five Klansmen and a day later Rosecrans pleaded guilty 
to Federal charges of conspiring to bomb the boy's home and to in- 
timidate Negroes from carrying out school desegregation. He was 
sentenced to seven years in Federal prison, but early in 1965 was seek- 
ing his release on the grounds that he had not been given an oppor- 
tunity to consult a lawyer or advised of his right to do so. The five 
Klansmen were all acquitted. 

• The burning of crosses, the Ku Klux Klan's traditional ritual of 
terror and intimidation, has become a fiery symbol of Klan resurgence 
in the 1960s, In March of 1960 alone, more than a thousand crosses 
were burned in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, the Carolinas and other 
Southern states— a. show of strength by the then newly-formed Na- 
tional Knights of the KKK. In September, 1962, when the Klan was 
reactivated in Louisiana, its units burned crosses in at least 14 north 
Louisiana towns and at the State Capitol in Baton Rouge. 

• In January, 1964, more than 150 crosses were burned near Negro 
homes and schools in five Louisiana parishes, and at seven different 
places on a single night in Vicksburg, Miss. In May, crosses were 
burned in 64 Mississippi counties on the same night. On August 
15, there were scores of cross-burnings in Louisiana and Mississippi, 
many of them at 10 p.m. sharp by obviously pre-arranged planning 
and coordination. 

• Negro churches have been burned on numberless occasions through- 
out the South. 

• Individual persons, both Negro and white, have been beaten and 
flogged. In November, 1964, in Laurel, Miss., a gang of masked men 
kidnapped Otis Matthews, financial secretary of Local 5443 of the 
AFL-CIO International Woodworkers of America. They tied his 
hands, ripped off his trousers, thrust him face down on the ground, 
and beat him with a heavy leather strap. From time to time the beat- 
ings were interrupted and hot liquid poured on his wounds. Matthews 
said later he was beaten by the KKK because the union had approved 
a Federal order giving Negroes equal treatment at the Masonite plant 

26 in Laurel. 



• In July, 1964, the owner of a filling station in Wesson, Miss., was 
beaten by three masked and hooded men because he had refused to 
join the Klan and had hired Negro employees. Earlier, in April, Klans- 
men beat up a newspaper reporter near one of their meetings in Jack- 
son, La. 

• St. Augustine, Fla., was the scene of days of racial violence and 
disorder in the early summer of 1964, when Martin Luther King and 
the Southern Christian Leadership Conference sought desegregation 
there. Klan-type rallies were a nightly occurrence in the "Slave Mar- 
ket" of the nation's oldest city. Robed Klansmen mingled with non- 
robed whites to hear harangues by itinerant rabble-rousers such as 
J. B. Stoner, an official of the racist, anti-Jewish National States Rights 
Party who boasts a long Klan record, and by "Reverend" Connie 
Lynch, a Californian who travels by sporty Cadillac to areas where 
trouble brews, then fans the flames of unrest. In St. Augustine, Stoner 
and Lynch whipped up the hard-core, violent elements who were 
spearheaded by the "Ancient City Gun Club," headed by Hoisted 
"Horse" Manucy. 

Dr. King's desegregation efforts, and "wade-ins," when Negroes 
sought to desegregate the beach in St. Augustine, brought violent re- 
action from the segregationist mobs. The city became the scene of 
racial rioting for several weeks during which the Klan paraded openly 
in the streets. During a court hearing on the question of a city ban on 
night marches by civil rights groups, Federal Judge Bryan Simpson 
asked Sheriff O. L. Davis whether he, himself, was a member of the 
Klan, and whether he recruited his deputies from Klan ranks. The 
sheriff, a long-time friend of "Horse" Manucy, expressed shocked 
denials to both questions. 

• Philadelphia, Miss., was another town knowing open KKK activity. 
Just before Christmas, 1964, after months of silence born of fear in 
Philadelphia, the Rev. Clay Lee, a young Methodist minister, openly 
declared— from his pulpit and before a Rotary Club audience— that the 
hooded terrorists had ruled the area for at least six months. He said: 
"For all practical purposes, the Klan has taken over the guidance of 
thought patterns in our town. It has controlled what was said and 
what was not said." 

• Bogalusa, La., provides perhaps the most frightening example 
in recent years of Klan terrorism of an entire community. Situated 
about 60 miles north of New Orleans along the swampy Pearl River, 
which forms the border between Mississippi and Louisiana, Bogalusa 
has been the focal point for a resurgence of Klan terror that started 
in earnest about a year ago when the Original Knights of the Ku Klux 

Klan of Louisiana began organizing and burning crosses throughout 27 



the northern and eastern parts of the state. By the Winter of 1964-1965, 
the Klan had virtually paralyzed the community. Bogalusa was dubbed 
"Klantown USA" by some observers. 

The local situation became the subject of national headlines 
early in 1965 when former Arkansas Congressman Brooks Hays, a 
moderate, was invited by a group of six Bogalusa citizens to speak to 
a white and Negro audience on the experiences of Southern cities 
faced with integration. Immediately following the invitation, the Klan 
and its followers launched a campaign of intimidation and economic 
boycott against those who had invited Hays to speak. The campaign 
did not stop, even after pressure forced the members of the citizens 
committee to withdraw the invitation and cancel the meeting. 

The men who had invited Hays— the local newspaper editor, 
the operator of radio station WBOX, an attorney, and three ministers 
—were subjected to constant phone harassment, often by callers using 
vile language and making threats against their lives and property. One 
caller told the wife of Ralph Blumberg, operator and half-owner of 
Bogalusa's radio station: "He's signed his death warrant." 

Blumberg bore the major brunt of the attack. The transmitter 
of his radio station was fired on with a shotgun. He was threatened 
with death. His car windows were smashed, and nails were hammered 
into its tires. Suddenly, most of his station's advertisers withdrew as 
sponsors. Eventually, Blumberg had to take all his sponsors off the 
air to protect them from harassment. (One of his sponsors had re- 
ceived 37 "warning" calls in a single day.) Despite the attack, Blum- 
berg courageously vowed to stay on the air and to continue "to fight 
with everything" he had. 

Prior to the scheduled Hays speech, the Klan distributed a leaf- 
let that reached almost every home in the community. Residents were 
told* that the purpose of the Hays invitation committee was to con- 
vince them to allow their children "to sit by filthy, runny-nosed, 
ragged, ugly little niggers in your public schools." 

And so, the leaflet warned, "The Ku Klux Klan is strongly or- 
ganized in Bogalusa . . . Being a secret organization, we have KLAN 
members in every conceivable business in this area. We will know 
the names of all who are invited to the Brooks Hays meeting . . . Ac- 
cordingly, we take this means to urge all of you to refrain from attend- 
ing . . . Those who do attend . . . will be tagged as integrationists and 
will be dealt with accordingly by the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan." 

The resurgence of Klan activity in the Bogalusa area resulted 
in numerous acts of terror and violence. A 26-year-old millworker was 
pistol-whipped by hooded men. A Tulane student who had partici- 
pated in civil rights activities in New Orleans was flogged so severely 
that he needed surgery. A banjo player who had played in a hoote- 
28 nanny with Negroes was also beaten. 






In a press release, the Congress of Racial Equality charged that 
at least eight beatings or other incidents of violence against individ- 
uals took place in the Bogalusa area between January 25 and February 
21, 1965. One of these involved a young CORE worker who, on Feb- 
ruary 3, was attacked by two men and beaten severely, one of his 
hands being broken in two places. 

Newspaper reports of Klan membership in Bogalusa range from 
600 to 1,400 members, 'The difficulty," one resident said, "is that 
nobody knows for sure who's in the Klan. The next fellow who walks 
through that door might be a member." He added: "It's a shame, but 
people can't speak their minds freely in Bogalusa today." Another 
observer described the town's climate this way: "Tension lies like 
fog, infecting every aspect of its life." 

In its preoccupation with violence, and in particular with weap- The "Gun Club" 
onry, the Ku Klux Klan has begun a dangerous trend toward an under- 
ground form of organization-the "gun club." Such units have certain 
advantages from the Klan viewpoint, quite aside from increased 
secrecy. Gun clubs admit members at a much younger age-17-year- 
olds are eligible-than do the Klans themselves, and thereby attract 
eager and violence-prone youths into the KKK orbit. Moreover, mem- 
bership in a gun club gives a Klan-minded tough an easy excuse-a 
gun club meeting-when he is stopped and weapons are found in his 

car. 

The first gun clubs organized under Klan auspices managed to 
obtain affiliation with the eminently respectable National Rifle Asso- 
ciation, which was unaware at the time of their true nature. Clubs 
organized through the N.R.A. could purchase surplus quantities of 
guns and ammunition from armories at reduced prices. This practice 
was discontinued late in 1964, and the gun clubs formed by the Klan 
since that time have not been allowed to affiliate with the N.R.A. 

The Klan-inspired clubs have, however, found other sources of 
supply. One gun dealer in the Deep South, who keeps large stocks on 
hand, reportedly sold four tons of guns in one 70-day period early 
in 1965. 

Now, in addition to the gun clubs, other forms of underground 
organization are being developed by the hooded orders. One Klan, 
for instance, has taken steps to incorporate as a "Church." Its leaders 
are reported to feel that if use of the Klan name and organization 
should become untenable, klaverns would still be able to operate as 
"church groups." Thus, as the Invisible Empire of the Ku Klux Klan 
drew near the end of its first century, the fiery cross had' reached its 
ultimate hypocrisy. 



Violence and Intimidation 

in the South— 

A Partial Chronology 



[The following chronology does not purport to be a complete 
record of the acts of violence, arson and intimidation which have 
taken place in the South in the period between September, 1962, and 
April, 1965. Nor is each episode necessarily attributable directly to the 
activity of the Ku Klux Klans. But knowledgeable observers believe 
that most acts of violence in the South in recent years are the work of 
the Klans, individuals working closely with the Klans, or Klan-type 
elements.) 



1962 

Sept. 1, 1962 Louisiana 



30 



Sept. 3, 1962 Albany, Ga. 



Sept. 5, 1962 Dallas, Ga. 



Oct. 4, 1962 Greenville, Miss. 



Oct. 13, 1962 Birmingham, Ala. 



Dec. 14, 1962 Birmingham, Ala. 



1963 

Feb. 4, 1963 Mobile, Ala. 



Feb. 7, 1963 Bossier City, La. 



Mar. 24, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



May 11, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



Crosses were burned by the Klan in 
front of the state capitol in Baton 
Rouge; three Negro schools in 
Hodge and near Bosco; at a Negro 
Minister's home in Bastrop; and in 
eleven other north Louisiana towns. 

A cross was burned at a Klan meet- 
ing. 

A group of masked riders attempted 
to force their way into the home of 
a Negro, but were forced to flee 
when they were fired on. 

A cross was burned near the home 
of Hodding Carter, editor-publisher 
of the Delta Democrat-Times. 

i A man was beaten at a Klan rally 
after he declared: "Mob violence is 
no answer to anything," 

The New Bethel Baptist Church, a 
Negro church, was damaged by a 
bomb. 

A cross was burned in front of the 
home of a Negro minister who had 
urged desegregation of a high 
school. 

Four men were arrested following 
the painting of some 30 KKK signs 
on sidewalks, stores, buildings, 
traffic signs and driveways. 

* A bomb exploded at the home of a 
Negro, injuring two of the five oc- 
cupants. 

Blasts ripped the home of Rev. A. 
D. King and the A. G. Gaston Motel. 



May 12, 1963 Anniston, Ala. 



May 17, 1963 Alexandria, La. 



June 8, 1963 Tuscaloosa, Ala, 



June 18, 1963 Gillett, Ark. 



June 26, 1963 Gulfport, Miss. 



June 30, 1963 Jackson, Miss. 



July 14, 1963 Atlanta, Ga. 



July 27, 1963 Anderson, S. C. 



Aug. 15, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



Aug. 21, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



Aug. 26, 1963 Columbia, S. C. 



Aug. 26, 1963 Buras, La. 



Shots were fired at the homes of 
two Negroes. On May 20, a one- 
time Klan leader, Kenneth Adams, 
was arrested and on May 25 was 
convicted for these assaults. He 
was sentenced to 180 days in jail 
and fined $100 on each of the shoot- 
ing counts and freed on bond pend- 
ing an appeal. (Adams was also ac- 
cused of firing a shot into a Negro 
church on May 12. On April 8, 1964 
a jury found him innocent.) 

A cross was burned in front of the 
home of relatives of a Negro youth 
who was in jail, charged with the 
rape of a white woman. 

A cross was burned at a Klan meet- 
ing. 

v A dynamite blast blew out the front 
door of a Negro church. 

An explosion damaged the offices 
of a Negro doctor who was presi- 
dent of the local NAAGP chapter. 

t An explosion collapsed a two-fam- 
ily frame house; four Negro men 
escaped injury. 

A cross was burned at a Klan meet- 
ing. 

Klan meeting featured a cross 
burning. 

Tear gas bombs were detonated at 
a department store which had re- 
cently been desegregated. 

The home of Negro attorney Arthur 
D. Shores was bombed. 

* A packet of dynamite blew a crater 
near the home of a Negro girl, 
scheduled to enter the University 
of S. C. 

An explosion wrecked a classroom 
and started a fire in an integrated 
Catholic school. 



31 



Sept. 1, 1963 Winnsboro, La. 



Sept. 4, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



Sept. 7, 1963 Ocala, Fla. 



Sept. 8, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



' Sept. 15, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



Sept. 18, 1963 St. Augustine, Fla. 



Sept. 25, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



Sept. 30, 1963 Birmingham, Ala. 



Nov. 16, 1963 Tuscaloosa, Ala. 



32 



Nov. 16, 1963 Rayville, La. 



Crosses were burned in front of 
several schools, one night after a 

Klan rally. 

The home of Arthur D. Shores was 
blasted again. 

A 35-foot cross was burned at a 
Klan rally. 

The home of A. G. Gaston, an in- 
fluential Negro, was bombed. 

The bombing of the 16th Street 
Baptist Church resulted in the 
death of four Negro girls. 

r Four Negroes were beaten when 
they drove their car near a Klan 
rally. Four Klansmen were arrested 
on Sept. 19 and released on bond. 
On Oct. 16, one of the beaten 
Negroes was convicted of assault- 
ing two of the Klansmen. On No- 
vember 5, a jury found one of the 
Klansmen innocent, and charges 
against the other three were dis- 
missed. 

Two bombs were exploded in a 
Negro neighborhood. 

State Police arrested two men in 
connection with racial bombings. 
The suspects, Robert E. Chambliss 
and Charles Cagle, had Klan rec- 
ords. A third man, John W. Hall, 
was subsequently arrested. On Oct. 
9 the City Recorder found the men 
guilty of possessing dynamite and 
sentenced them to 180-day jail sen- 
tences and $100 fines. The three 
were released on bond. On June 16 
and 18, 1964, they were found not 
guilty by a jury. 

Two explosions, 18 hours apart, 
shattered windows in a Negro 
neighborhood and jolted the Uni- 
versity of Alabama campus. 

Over 1,000 Klansmen assembled 
amid the glow of burning crosses. 






Nov. 19, 1963 Tuscaloosa, Ala. 

Dec. 8, 1963 Dawson, Ga. 

1964 

Jan., 1964 McComb, Miss. 

Jan. 18, 1964 Louisiana 

Jan. 25, 1964 Atlanta, Ga. 

Jan. 31, 1964 Vicksburg, Miss. 

Feb. 15, 1964 Black Lake, La. 

Feb. 16, 1964 Jacksonville, Fla. 



A dynamite bomb exploded near 
the dormitory of a Negro co-ed at 
the University of Alabama. 

Gunfire and an explosion damaged 
the home of a Negro voter-registra- 
tion worker. 

A cross was burned in front of a 
Negro minister's home. 

More than 150 crosses were burned 
near Negro homes, churches and 
schools in five parishes. 

During civil rights demonstrations, 
Klansmen clashed with Negro stu- 
dents. 

Crosses were burned in seven dif- 
ferent places. 

Klan burned a cross at a meeting. 

A bomb caused extensive damage 
to the home of a 6-year old Negro 
boy who attended a previously all- 
white school. On March 3, William 
Sterling Rosecrans, a "close asso- 
ciate" of North Florida KKK lead- 
ers was arrested and charged with 
the bombing. On March 12, the FBI 
arrested five Klansmen, Barton H. 
Griffin, Jacky Don Harden, Willie 
Eugene Wilson, Donald Eugene 
Spegal and Robert Pittman Gentry, 
in connection with the bombing. 
On March 13, Rosecrans, who is 
from Indiana, pleaded guilty and a 
month later (April 17) was sen- 
tenced to 7 years in Federal prison. 
On June 30, the five Klansmen went 
on trial and a week later Jacky Don 
Harden and Robert Pittman Gentry 
were acquitted. A mistrial was de- 
clared in the cases of the other 
three Klansmen. Retrial began on 
November 16 and nine days later a 
jury acquitted the Klansmen of 
charges that they conspired to vio- 
late the civil rights of the 6-year-old 
Negro boy. 



33 



Apr. 18, 1964 Notasulga, Ala. 



April, 1964 Bogalusa, La. 



April, 1964 Jackson, La. 



May 2, 1964 Jackson, Miss. 



May, 1964 Mississippi 



May 29, 1964 St. Augustine, Fla. 



June 16, 1964 Philadelphia, Miss. 



June 17, 1964 Jackson, Miss. 



June 20, 1964 Fayett, Miss. 



June, 1964 McComb, Miss. 



34 



The Macon County High School 
was destroyed by a fire. The school 
had recently been ordered to de- 
segregate, and white students were 
boycotting it. 

Three men in black hoods abducted 
a millworker, accused him of fail- 
ing to support his child, beat him 
with a pistol and whipped him. 

Bob Wagner, a newsman, was 
seized by Klansmen near one of 
their meetings, and was beaten. 

Two young Negroes disappeared 
and their bodies were accidentally 
found in the Mississippi River in 
July by a large group of men who 
were looking for three missing civil 
rights workers. On November 6 
two men, one an acknowledged 
member of the Klan, were arrested 
on charges of killing the Negroes. 
They were freed on bond pending 
a trial. 

Crosses were burned in 64 counties 
on the same night. 

Night-riders shot up an unoccupied 
beach cottage and fired into an 
automobile, narrowly missing an 
aide to Dr. Martin L. King. 

A group of armed white men sur- 
rounded the Mt. Zion Methodist 
Church, beat Negroes and burned 
the church to the ground. 

A Negro was abducted by a group 
of hooded men and was flogged. 

A Negro civil rights worker was 
chased from his car by a group of 
white men. 

Explosions on one night occurred 
at the homes of two Negroes sus- 
pected of civil rights activities; at 
the barbershop owned by another; 
and at the homes of two white men 
who had made remarks opposing 
KKK violence. 



June 21, 1964 Branson, Miss. 



June 21, 1964 Maben, Miss. 



June 21, 1964 Philadelphia, Miss. 



June 22, 1964 McComb, Miss. 

June 25, 1964 Ruleville, Miss. 

June, 1964 Longdale, Miss. 

June 27, 1964 McComb, Miss. 



The Sweet Rest Church of Christ 
Holiness was rocked by an explo- 
sion. 

A crowd of whites, many of whom 
were armed, circled a car contain- 
ing 6 Negro civil rights workers. 
Passengers were spat upon, cursed 
and threatened. 

Three civil rights workers, two of 
them white, disappeared. Their 
bodies were found several months 
later. On December 4, the F.B.I, ar- 
rested twenty-one men, charging 
them with conspiring to violate the 
constitutional rights of the three 
young men. Several of the defend- 
ants were members of the Klan. 
The men were released on bond. 
On Dec. 10, a U.S. Commissioner 
dismissed the charges against 19 of 
the men. On Jan. 11, 1965, the Gov- 
ernment presented to a Federal 
Grand Jury the confessions of two 
of the men, one of whom is an ac- 
knowledged member of a Klan. The 
Grand Jury handed down indict- 
ments on January 15 against most 
of the original defendants. On Feb. 
25, a U.S. District Court judge dis- 
missed felony indictments against 
17 men, but ruled they must stand 
trial under a misdemeanor charge. 
An 18th defendant was to be tried 
separately in Atlanta. 

The homes of two Negroes active 
in the civil rights movement were 
bombed. 

A Negro church was bombed. 

Another Negro church was hit by 
a fire bomb. 

A Molotov cocktail mixture of oil 
and kerosene was hurled against 
the front door of the McComb En- 
terprise Journal A note around the 
bottle was signed' "K.K.K." 



35 



July 4, 1964 Enfield, N. C. 
July 7, 1964 McComb, Miss. 

July 11, 1964 Athens, Ga. 



July 12, 1964 Natchez, Miss. 



July 13, 1964 Elm City, N. C. 



% July 14, 1964 Wesson, Miss. 



July 17, 1964 McComb, Miss. 



36 



Cross-burning. 

Three explosions destroyed a sec- 
tion of the civil rights "Freedom 
House." 

Lemuel Penn, a Negro educator, 
along with a companion, had com- 
pleted summer military training at 
Fort Benning, Ga. They were driv- 
ing home when they were fired on 
and Penn was killed. On Aug. 6, 
four men identified as Klansmen 
were arrested in connection with 
the killing. On Aug. 31, two men 
went on trial. A third man's confes- 
sion, later repudiated, was read. On 
Sept. 4, a jury found the two Klans- 
men not guilty. On Oct. 16, the four 
Klansmen, along with two others, 
were indicted by a Federal grand 
jury, charged with acts of intimida- 
tion and violence against Negroes. 
On Dec. 29, the Federal indictments 
against the six men were thrown 
out by a U.S. District Court Judge. 
A state charge of murder is still 
faced by the Klansman who orig- 
inally confessed a role in the slay- 
ing. Another man was charged with 
being an accessory after the fact. 

Two Negro churches were leveled 
by arsonists. 

An attempt to burn a Negro church 
that an integrated group planned to 
paint led to the arrest of two men. 
The KKK had warned that it would 
prevent efforts to conduct integrat- 
ed projects at a church. 

The owner of a gas station was 
beaten by three masked and hood- 
ed men. He had refused to join the 
Klan, had hired Negro help and al- 
lowed them to use the cash register. 

The Zion Hill Freewill Baptist 
Church was burned, and two men 
were roughed up by three white 
men. 



July 18, 1964 Atlanta, Ga. 

July 19, 1964 Madison County, Miss. 

July 19, 1964 St. Augustine, Fla. 

July 24, 1964 St. Augustine, Fla. 



July 30, 1964 Brandon, Miss. 



July 31, 1964 Meridian, Miss. 



Aug. 1, 1964 Farmerville, La. 



Aug. 13, 1964 Raleigh, N. G. 



Aug. 15, 1964 Natchez, Miss. 



Aug. 15, 1964 Greensburg, La. 
Aug. 15, 1964 Greenwood, Miss. 

Aug. 15, 1964 Jackson, Miss. 



Aug. 15, 1964 Mississippi and 
Louisiana 



Aug. 27, 1964 Jackson, Miss. 



Aug. 29, 1964 Natchez, Miss. 
Sept. 2, 1964 Enfield, N. C, 
Sept. 3, 1964 Enfield, N. C. 



Cross-burning at a Klan meeting. 

The Christian Union Baptist Church 
was destroyed by a fire. 

A 20-foot cross was burned at a 
Klan rally. 

A fire bomb was tossed into a re- 
cently-integrated restaurant. Later 
that day, warrants were sworn out 
against five Klansmen charging 
them with burning a cross on pri- 
vate property without permission. 

The Pleasant Grove Baptist Church 
burned to its foundation. 

The Mount Moriah Baptist Church 
was destroyed by fire. 

A 50-foot cross was burned at a 
Klan meeting. 

Cross burned on lawn of Gov- 
ernor's mansion. 

Dynamite demolished a nightclub 
and bar, serving an all-Negro cli- 
entele, located across the street 
from a building housing the local 
Freedom School. 

Several crosses were burned. 

A Negro was shot while seated in 
his car. (He had been severely 
beaten the previous month.) 

A Negro was shot, a white civil 
rights worker was clubbed and at 
least six crosses were burned. 

Scores of crosses were burned, 
many of them fired at 10 p.m. by 
obvious pre -arrangement. 

A bomb shattered the windows and 
doors in the office of a small week- 
ly newspaper, whose anti-Klan edi- 
tor had won a Pulitzer Prize for her 
crusading editorials. 

A cross was burned at a Klan rally. 

Cross-burning. 

Several crosses were burned. 



37 





Sept. 6, 1964 


Canton, Miss. 


A dynamite blast ripped through a 
white-owned grocery in a Negro 
neighborhood. 




Sept. 7, 1964 


Summit, Miss. 


Three pre-dawn bomb blasts dam- 
aged a home, a store and a shed, 
all owned by Negroes. 




Sept. 9, 1964 


McComb, Miss. 


Dynamite damaged the home of a 
Negro minister. 




Sept. 17, 1964 


Canton, Miss. 


Two Negro churches used for voter 
registration activity were burned. 




Sept. 19, 1964 


Philadelphia, Miss. 


Two small churches were hit by 
fire. 




Sept. 20, 1964 


McComb, Miss. . 


The home of a Negro woman active 
in civil rights work was blasted. On 
Oct. 1 three white men, who had 
membership cards in the KKK, 
were arrested; and one of them 
was also charged in connection 
with the September 9 bombing. On 
October 12, the three men, along 
with another individual, were in- 
dicted in connection with the 
bombing. On October 24, the four 
men, plus five others who had been 
seized in connection with the bomb- 
ing, entered pleas of guilty and nolo 
contendere. After designating vari- 
ous sentences for the nine men, the 
judge suspended the sentences. 




Sept. 21, 1964 


McComb, Miss. 


Dynamite bombs hurled from pass- 
ing cars damaged a church and 
Negro home. 




Sept 21, 1964 


Enfield, N. C. 


Cross-burning. 




Sept. 23, 1964 


McComb, Miss. 


A bomb was hurled at the home of 
a former Negro policeman. 




Sept. 23, 1964 


Columbia, S. C. 


A cross was burned in front of the 
Governor's mansion. 




Sept. 25, 1964 


Natchez, Miss. 


An explosion ripped a hole in the 
lawn at the home of the mayor. An- 
other blast occurred at the home of 
a Negro. 




Sept 26, 1964 


Farmville, N. C. 


A minister was threatened, har- 
rassed and searched while attend- 


38 






ing a Klan rally. 



Oct. 4, 1964 Vicksburg, Miss. 



Oct. 31, 1964 Ripley, Miss. 



*■ Nov. 17, 1964 Laurel, Miss. 



Nov. 29, 1964 Montgomery, Ala. 



Dec. 10, 1964 Ferriday, La. 



Dec. 13, 1964 Montgomery, Ala. 



1965 

January, 1965 Center, Tex. 



Jan. 17, 1965 Jonesboro, La. 



Jan. 23, 1965 New Bern, N. C. 



Feb. 16, 1965 Mobile, Ala. 



Feb. 28, 1965 Lowndes County, Ala. 



Mar. 5, 1965 Indianola, Miss. 



A dynamite explosion heavily dam- 
aged a Negro church building that 
had been used as a voter registra- 
tion headquarters. 

Fire destroyed the Antioch Baptist 
Church, which had been used as a 
Freedom School. 

* A union official was kidnapped at 
gunpoint and whipped by masked 
men. 

A dynamite bomb wrecked the car- 
port of the home of a Negro family. 

Several white men poured gasoline 
on a shoeshop and after setting fire 
to it, prevented a Negro from leav- 
ing. He subsequently died in a hos- 
pital. 

An explosion was set off outside a 
Negro church. Three men were ac- 
cused of the crime and received 6 
month sentences, but were released 
on probation after 10 days in jail. 
One of the men had been indicted 
in 1957 in connection with bomb- 
ings of Negro churches and homes. 

A number of crosses were burned, 
including six on one night. 

Fires destroyed two rural Negro 
churches. 

Three explosions wrecked a Negro 
funeral home and two cars during 
a civil rights meeting. Six days 
later, the F.B.I, arrested 3 men, one 
of them an Exalted Cyclops of a 
Klan. 

Two Negro youths were wounded 
by shotgun blasts. 

Armed white men disrupted church 
services and warned a minister to 
leave the county by sundown or he 
would never be found. 

A Freedom School and library 

burned to the ground 



39 



h Mar. 9, 1965 Selma, Ala. 



Mar. 21, 1965 Vicksburg, Miss. 



Mar. 21, 1965 Birmingham, Ala. 



Mar. 22, 1965 Birmingham, Ala. 



Mar. 25, 1965 Lowndesboro, Ala. 



Mar. 29, 1965 Meridian, Miss. 



Apr. 1, 1965 Birmingham, Ala. 



Rev. James Reeb from Boston was 
fatally clubbed. Two days later 
four men were arrested. 

A Molotov cocktail was thrown in- 
to a desegregated cafe. 

Four time bombs were discovered 
in Negro neighborhoods. 

Two more bombs were discovered 
in the Negro community. 

Mrs. Viola Gregg Liuzzo, a white 
civil rights worker, was shot and 
killed while driving on the Selma- 
Montgomery highway. Four Klans- 
men were charged with violating 
the civil rights of Mrs. Liuzzo. 

Fire bombs were tossed at two 
Negro churches. 

A. dynamite bomb wrecked the 
home of a Negro accountant, and 
two other bombs were found at the 
home of the Mayor and a City 
Councilwoman. 



40 



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